Advocacy Workshop on Globalisation, State Policies and Human Rights

 

April 9-10 2005

Indian Institute of Chemical Engineers, Dr. H L Roy Building, Jadavpur University Campus

Kolkata 700 032

 

Introduction

India started its Economic Reforms programme in July 1991 under the TINA (There Is No Alternative) doctrine in wake of foreign exchange liquidity crisis, declining GDP growth rate and a near stagnating economy. Soon all the political parties across the spectrum accepted it as an ‘inevitable’ and ‘irreversible’ process. The reforms have continued since then irrespective of changes in the government at centre. After more than a decade, the ‘pain’ and the ‘gain’ of the reforms process is not hidden from anyone. The debate on the process has its supporters on both the sides depending on what they have got from it, ‘pain’ or ‘gain’. The ruling argument has often been that some one will have to bear the price of ‘Development’ in the larger interest of ‘Nation’. But the people have started challenging and asking, why should only the poor suffer? Why the rights of poor already at the margins of development should always suffer? Why can’t the gains of the process be distributed equitably? Why should the reforms carried in the name of generating employment and high economic growth result in further impoverishment and disempowerment? It is these issues which are now beginning to gather the centre stage all over the world.

 

The resistance has grown since then and the neo-liberal economic policy has drawn flak from various quarters. The protests have been stringent especially because of its predatory effects on the poor and marginalised communities, now pushed further along paths of impoverishment and disempowerment. These protests emanate from the enhanced understanding of the globalisation process among people who are beginning to see the linkages between the government’s policies, wider economic processes and the impact on their livelihood. This has been confirmed by researchers, World Bank, IMF and government’s own reports as a result of which in recent times a whole lot of policy measures has been introduced and tabled in Parliament with mainly two aims : 1) To control and mitigate the effects of globalisation process on the society; 2) To meet the demands posed by neo-liberal economic policies on the economy, environment and resources.

 

The current UPA government has acknowledged this fact especially after the election verdict that rejected the NDA government’s ‘India Shining’ and ‘Feel Good’ Campaign. So, now in second-generation reforms the emphasis is on reforms with a ‘human’ face. But we need to critically look at the dictum of the ‘human’ face and resulting ‘policies’ in order to seek answers to the questions raised above and see if these polices lead to sustainability of the socio-economic rights of the marginalised communities and If they can ensure enhanced social and political participation by these groups in governance structures and civil society.

           

New Perspectives

If the years of the 1990s were known for the start of economic reforms marked by increased privatisation, liberalisation, and globalisation then it was also the time which saw consolidation of resistance to attack on natural resources, and the evolution of new perspectives on development, democracy, assertion of rights. The period saw birth or consolidation of popular struggles such as Narmada Bachao Andolan, Chilika Bacaho Andolan, Beej Bachao Andolan, Mazdoor Kisan Sakti Sangathan leading the right to Information campaign, National Fish Workers Forum, National Alliance for Peoples Movement and a host of civil and political organisations in rural and urban areas which aligned with the movements and provided resources of all kinds in their struggles. What marked the difference between pre and post 90s was the sudden surge in people’s struggles over the question of livelihood, ‘control’ of natural resources, accountability and transparency in governance. This change can be seen in the light of general crisis of government’s legitimacy on account of its failure to develop and implement a model of development catering to needs of all the sections of society. It needs to be noted that economic reforms have made situation worse in rural areas indirectly and livelihood more difficult by destroying sources of non-farm employment, increased informalisation of labour, migration etc.

 

For instance, the Chilka Bachao Andolan, a movement by the people, mostly fishermen, who created a successful resistance in the early 90's to the Integrated Shrimp Farm Project (ISFP)-a joint venture agreed upon by the Tata Iron and Steel Company and Government of Orissa for intensive prawn cultivation and export. Starting from the initial resistance to the project at local level over the immediate loss of livelihood and fishing rights they took it to the national level and questioned the development logic and policy of the government. As the Andolan put it, "The Tata project is not the central point of attack of this people's movement. The prime focus of opposition is the policy of the government towards Chilka and its people, and the Tata project is only an instance of this policy ".

 

The movement articulated the issues in the three questions it posed:

  1. Whom does Chilika belong to - the people or the state?

  2. If the big business houses enter into prawn culture what will be the fate of the people for whom fishing has been the only source of livelihood?

  3. In a situation where the commercial use of resources comes into conflict with the livelihood pursuit of poor people, what should be the priority of the state?

This and many other movements have contributed to the evolution of a whole new perspective on the issues of development, governance, transparency, and accountability which include:

Government’s Reponses 

The demand of the movements has forced the government to open up and be more sensitive and inclusive to the demands of the popular movements. If at one level it has meant change in the language of the government’s policy then on the other hand it has meant co-option of the movement’s leaders in the governments consultative and advisory committees. However, the process has not resulted in significant results either in terms of more people friendly policies, or better implementation. The process of policy formulation is still fraught with a capital-intensive logic of development with precedence of economics over the social. This was very much visible in the way the provisions of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Bill were diluted only due to larger economic concerns completely bypassing the accrued social benefits.

 

If the response of the government on one hand is due to people’s struggle then on other it is also to meet new challenges which the reforms process has thrown up for governance. It is important to note that the social security policies (even on paper) are a prerequisite to access to loans and investments from international financial institutions and Western countries.

 

Thus the government on one hand moves on with the reform process at policy level and tries to mitigate its fallout through social measures and policies. This does not take us anywhere as we will see later in the volume, because it is these policies which are responsible for the deteriorating conditions, growing disparity, inequality, and regional imbalances throughout the country.

 

The Workshop Structure

It is in this background that the workshop wishes to discuss the state policies and its impact over the question of sustainability of rights of marginalised communities in the context of globalisation. The meeting will be organised around following five themes: 

  1. Agriculture, Employment and Sustainable Livelihood

  2. Development, Displacement, Resettlement and Rehabilitation

  3. Education, Information, Development and Governance

  4. Environment and Sustainable Development

Each theme will have 4-5 participants from organisations, social movements, networks and individuals working on these issues. Organised around these themes participants would be required to speak in panels from their experience of working with Dalits, indigenous peoples, women, children and other marginalised communities’ vis-à-vis the state policies crafted for their development and empowerment. The endeavour would be to engage critically with the state policies and contribute to ongoing debate on the policy regime in the context of economic reforms.